Debate contribution: All-island Rail Network
Debate contribution by Mr Gerry Carroll on .
- MLA
- Mr Gerry Carroll
- Party at the time
- People Before Profit Alliance
- Date
- 27 February 2024
- Type
- Debate contribution
- Business
- Private Members' Business
- Heading
- All-island Rail Network
- Assembly identifier
- Official Report component 4238070
Read the official Assembly record
Text
I hope that that trend continues. Thank you. The state of Ireland's rail network is the perfect representation of the ruling-class delusion that spending cuts and the managed decline of public services is not only financially prudent but necessary to inspire confidence in business elites and stimulate economic growth. People will no doubt be familiar with, as was referred to earlier, the British civil servant Richard Beeching, who led the charge in cutting railway services in Britain. The same cuts were then imposed on people in the North. Like much else emanating from London's political elite, that has been an unmitigated disaster for working-class communities. If you look at the experience of the north-west and of rural communities, which have been virtually cut off from the rail network, you can see the effects of those nonsensical policies. First, it must be said that public spending cuts, including cuts to public transport, have been absolutely devastating for deprived areas across the island. Secondly, the impact of a broken public transport network wreaks havoc on people's health and on our environment on a daily basis. Members will know that air pollution is one of the biggest killers worldwide and is responsible for over seven million deaths every year. Not only is it slashing years off people's lives but it is costing the NHS billions of pounds every year to treat people — often poor people — who have been impacted by respiratory diseases and cancer. Therefore, when Governments across these islands, including the Executive, cut public transport spending, they cost the public purse more money in the long run, not to mention the cost to people's health. The Tories have spent around £4 billion a year on fuel duty cuts, incentivising the use of private cars whilst privatising the public transport network. However, it is not just the Tories. Time and again, we have seen Translink fares hiked and services reduced in real terms. Last year, in the middle of a cost-of-living crisis — one of the worst ever — Translink fares were disgracefully hiked. The decline of public transport is happening on Stormont's watch, and, as we speak, the Department for Infrastructure is considering ending, limiting or restricting free travel for the over-60s. I call on the Minister today to bin that proposal. People have made clear their opposition to it through protests and thousands of submissions to the permanent secretary before the Minister came into office, so he should bin that proposal. All the science tells us that we should encourage more people to use public transport to cut emissions, as Members have said, and avert a climate catastrophe, yet Stormont seems to be heading in the completely opposite direction. Where other countries are moving to totally free public transport — heavily, in some cases — we are hurtling towards disaster in the opposite direction. Analysis shows that Belfast is the most car-dependent city in the UK, with more than 70% of all journeys in Belfast taken by car. We need to urgently turn the tide if we are to meet our climate emission targets. We will support the motion today, obviously. The need for an all-Ireland railway system could not be more stark, but such expansion cannot be coupled with austerity measures, where we take with one hand and cut with the other, that will simultaneously discourage the use of public transport and impact on people's health and on our environment. We need to address all those issues if we are to move towards a public transport network that is free at the point of service and paid for through progressive taxation. On the amendment, I generally support putting more demands on the British Government. They have underfunded this place for decades, and any pressure on them is good. However, the amendment takes the pressure and the focus off the Department for Infrastructure. Maybe that is a tactic by Executive parties, or maybe it is a mistake: I do not know. From our end, it is problematic for that reason, and we cannot support it. We are happy to support the motion unamended.
684 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Assessment
Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not flagged”.
- Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.07 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
- None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
- Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.93).
- No identity-based framing was identified (0.98).
- Subject area: Sexism, misogyny, ageism and other equality groups.
- The overall probability was at or below the not-flagging threshold.
This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.
Jev’s structured answers
| Question | Probability | Met? |
|---|---|---|
| Identity framing | 0.07 | No |
| Sectarian or communal antagonism | 0.05 | No |
| Cultural grievance politics | 0.02 | No |
| Dog-whistle messaging | 0.11 | No |
| Controversy escalation | 0.04 | No |
| Legitimate policy scrutiny | 0.93 | Yes |
| Overall judgement | 0.07 | At or below not-flagging threshold |
| Option | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-based framing (chosen) | 0.98 |
| Reports or questions it | 0.00 |
| Criticises or condemns it | 0.00 |
| Adopts it | 0.02 |
| Subject | Probability |
|---|---|
| Sexism, misogyny, ageism and other equality groups | 0.52 |
| No identity-related subject | 0.43 |
| Gender, sexuality, abortion and related social issues | 0.02 |
| Another identity-related subject | 0.02 |
| Constitutional question, Brexit, the Windsor Framework and sovereignty | 0.01 |
Assessed 21 October 2026 at 09:42 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.
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