Debate contribution: Conversion Practices (Criminalisation) Bill: Second Stage

Debate contribution by Mr Paul Frew on .

MLA
Mr Paul Frew
Party at the time
Democratic Unionist Party
Date
15 September 2026
Type
Debate contribution
Business
Private Members' Business
Heading
Conversion Practices (Criminalisation) Bill: Second Stage
Assembly identifier
Official Report component 5707300

Read the official Assembly record

Text

I believe that that danger is real — I really do — and it is purely down to the definitions in the Bill. Clause 6(2) specifies:

"A reference to a victim’s sexual orientation includes the victim having no sexual orientation towards other persons."

That goes to the point that I raised earlier. Mr O'Neill states:

"The NI Conversion Practices (Criminalisation) Bill’s definition of 'sexual orientation' to encompass those who claim to be 'asexual' therefore goes beyond the definition employed heretofore in Northern Ireland."

That is also groundbreaking. Not only is "gender identity" being used for the first time in law in this country's history but the definition of "sexual orientation" is being changed. Subsection 2(2) of the Employment Equality (Sexual Orientation) Regulations (Northern Ireland) 2003 and subsection 2(2) the Equality Act (Sexual Orientation) Regulations (Northern Ireland) 2006 provide:

"'sexual orientation' means a sexual orientation towards — (a) persons of the same sex; (b) persons of the opposite sex; (c) persons of the same sex and of the opposite sex."

Therefore, what we are doing with the Bill is changing the definitions in law not only of "gender identity" but of "sexual orientation". I am confused. How is any person out there who is not studying the law meant to stay on the right side of it when the definition of "conversion therapy" is so wide that it includes counselling, talking, coaching and instruction?

That is the danger with the Bill. I will return to clause 4, which is titled "Conversion therapy". The Bill sponsor has applied some caveats. Clause 4(3) states:

"This Act does not apply in respect of therapy provided or carried out— (a) by an individual registered by, or subject to regulation by, any of the following regulatory bodies— (i) the General Medical Council," —

that is doctors —

"(ii) the Health and Care Professions Council," —

that is nurses and physiotherapists —

"(iii) the General Pharmaceutical Council," —

which I do not think regulates in Northern Ireland, but perhaps the Bill sponsor can clarify whether it does —

"or (iv) the Pharmaceutical Society of Northern Ireland".

Are therapists or theorists not covered at all? Why not? Clause 4(3)(b) states:

"in accordance with the standards and code of ethics of that regulatory body that apply at the time the therapy is carried out or provided."

Nowhere in the Bill is it recognised that professional views on transgender care are divided and that there are massive debates taking place in the medical field about how we deal with and care for people who are fearful, alarmed and distressed.

Yes, I will.

Will the Member therefore help me understand what a doctor, nurse or physiotherapist who is not comfortable with the current code of practice or code of ethics of a regulatory body could do if they were to be confronted with the offences in the Bill? How should they react?

Yes, I will.

OK. Thank you. The Member has answered that question fully. As I have said, "conversion therapy" is defined in the Bill as "counselling", "talking therapy" and "coaching" and "instruction", but what if it is conversion therapy that provides drugs such as puberty blockers to teenagers to convert their body into something that it was not? Would those people fall foul of this law? Would they be guilty of that offence? If someone who was confused were to go through irreversible surgery that changes their body forever, would the person who performed that surgery fall foul of the Bill? Perhaps they would not, because of the caveats in the Bill that apply to those working in the medical field.

Yes, I will.

Clause 7 is "Intent to change or suppress". Where does that start and finish, and can it work both ways? It is not clear in the Bill that it can. Is this about bringing in a one-way ideological trip, whereby people cannot engage properly with their loved ones — their children or other family members — their practitioners, their constituents or their congregation? Those are all important issues.

673 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.

Assessment

Uncertain: close call Gender, sexuality, abortion and related social issues

Uncertain: this record is published but not counted in any total.

  • Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.57 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
  • Criteria met: Dog-whistle messaging (0.79).
  • Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.78).
  • No identity-based framing was identified (0.45).
  • Subject area: Gender, sexuality, abortion and related social issues.
  • The answers did not meet either automatic threshold.

This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.

Jev’s structured answers

Probability that each statement is true of this text (0 = no, 1 = yes). A criterion counts as met at 0.60 or above.
QuestionProbabilityMet?
Identity framing0.18No
Sectarian or communal antagonism0.26No
Cultural grievance politics0.05No
Dog-whistle messaging0.79Yes
Controversy escalation0.23No
Legitimate policy scrutiny0.78Yes
Overall judgement0.57Between thresholds
Context and attribution (stance)
OptionProbability
No identity-based framing (chosen)0.45
Reports or questions it0.11
Criticises or condemns it0.00
Adopts it0.44
Subject area (top five)
SubjectProbability
Gender, sexuality, abortion and related social issues1.00
No identity-related subject0.00
Flags, emblems, symbols, names and memorials0.00
Parades, bonfires and commemorations0.00
Irish language, Ulster-Scots and language policy0.00

Assessed 21 October 2026 at 16:22 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.

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