Debate contribution: Conversion Practices (Criminalisation) Bill: Second Stage

Debate contribution by Mr Eóin Tennyson on .

MLA
Mr Eóin Tennyson
Party at the time
Alliance Party
Date
15 September 2026
Type
Debate contribution
Business
Private Members' Business
Heading
Conversion Practices (Criminalisation) Bill: Second Stage
Assembly identifier
Official Report component 5705728

Read the official Assembly record

Text

The Member is absolutely correct. As I said, we looked closely at the domestic abuse framework. The concepts of "coercion" and "harm" are already defined in law and are already successfully operated and interpreted by the courts, and there have been no examples of perverse or unintended consequences from the application of that framework. Day in, day out, courts, unfortunately, given the problem that we have with domestic abuse in our society, distinguish between difficult and uncomfortable conversations and coercive behaviour. I see no reason why that could not be applied in the case of the Bill. The fact that some Members who endorsed that framework and those definitions are now resiling from them in this debate raises questions, because the only thing that has changed in this context is the cohort of people whom we are talking about protecting, and that is regrettable. As I said, there will no doubt be legitimate points of debate and scrutiny, which I am happy to explore in this debate and at the Committee. Members will find —.

I will in just a moment. I hope that Members will find that, if they approach this debate in good faith and in the spirit of delivering balanced legislation that protects the rights of everyone in our society, they will have a pragmatic and constructive partner in me as the Bill sponsor. I will give way briefly to the Minister.

As the Minister will be aware, as is the case in domestic abuse, because of the broad range of behaviour that could be captured, there is a significant harm threshold and a requirement that the behaviour be a course of behaviour. The Minister cannot say, on the one hand, that there is a risk of unintended consequences — a risk of criminalising ordinary parental behaviour; a risk of criminalising ordinary religious teaching — and, on the other, that it is unacceptable for a course of behaviour to be required. That is the reason. Some types of conversion practice — some types of physical violence — will be prosecutable under existing offences. We do not seek to duplicate those offences. We seek to close the gap in existing law. I will briefly give way to the Minister one more time.

The Second Stage debate is about the principles of the Bill. We have just heard from the Minister —

I want to make this point. — that, despite our political differences, every party in the Chamber has, at various points, recognised the need to protect people from coercion, harm and, indeed, pseudoscientific therapies. The Bill is the vehicle to end them. I hope that that principle can be agreed today. There is a legitimate debate to be had about where you draw the line on the harm threshold. There is a legitimate debate to be had about the definition of coercive behaviour. I think that we have struck the right balance, but Members may have different views on those issues. I am open to debating that.

I will give way to Mr Frew in just a moment. Every Bill that goes through the Assembly is subject to scrutiny and amendment. I have been very open. Although, in my view, the structure of the Bill is clear, Deborah Erskine made the point that a layperson reading the Bill may feel that parents would be tested against the first offence. I have offered a solution to how that can be managed. If we approach the debate in that spirit, we can build broad consensus and find a way forward. However, Members instead seem determined, in the media and in the Chamber, to create a caricature of the Bill. For many people, that will tally with the approach of DUP members. Nelson McCausland is on record as promoting conversion therapy. Iris Robinson employed someone in her office whom she encouraged gay men to see because he could "cure" them. If you are serious about ending that harm and coercion, show it with your actions today — show that the party has changed. I will give way to Mr Frew.

680 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.

Assessment

Not flagged

Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not flagged”.

  • Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.27 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
  • None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
  • Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.82).
  • No identity-based framing was identified (0.51).
  • Subject area: Gender, sexuality, abortion and related social issues.
  • The overall probability was at or below the not-flagging threshold.

This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.

Jev’s structured answers

Probability that each statement is true of this text (0 = no, 1 = yes). A criterion counts as met at 0.60 or above.
QuestionProbabilityMet?
Identity framing0.18No
Sectarian or communal antagonism0.17No
Cultural grievance politics0.03No
Dog-whistle messaging0.32No
Controversy escalation0.38No
Legitimate policy scrutiny0.82Yes
Overall judgement0.27At or below not-flagging threshold
Context and attribution (stance)
OptionProbability
No identity-based framing (chosen)0.51
Reports or questions it0.00
Criticises or condemns it0.35
Adopts it0.14
Subject area (top five)
SubjectProbability
Gender, sexuality, abortion and related social issues1.00
No identity-related subject0.00
Flags, emblems, symbols, names and memorials0.00
Parades, bonfires and commemorations0.00
Irish language, Ulster-Scots and language policy0.00

Assessed 21 October 2026 at 16:20 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.

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