Debate contribution: Inquiry (Mother and Baby Institutions, Magdalene Laundries and Workhouses) and Redress Scheme Bill: Final Stage
Debate contribution by Miss Áine Murphy on .
- MLA
- Miss Áine Murphy
- Party at the time
- Sinn Féin
- Date
- 30 June 2026
- Type
- Debate contribution
- Business
- Executive Committee Business
- Heading
- Inquiry (Mother and Baby Institutions, Magdalene Laundries and Workhouses) and Redress Scheme Bill: Final Stage
- Assembly identifier
- Official Report component 5653125
Read the official Assembly record
Text
For the final time, I declare an interest: my mother resided in a mother-and-baby home that is included in schedule 2 to the Bill. I pay tribute to all birth mothers, adult adoptees and family members, some of whom join us in the Public Gallery today, and, of course, to those watching online. Today belongs to the women and girls who were told that they should remain silent; to the children who grew up without knowing who they were; to the families who carried many unanswered questions across generations; and to those who fought for justice but did not live long enough to see the legislation finally pass. For decades, many victims and survivors believed that nobody wanted to hear their story, and they often carried shame that was never theirs to bear, grief that society expected them to live with and secrets that were forced upon them by institutions that were supposed to care for and protect them with compassion. The research undertaken by teams from Ulster University, Queen's University and others across Ireland exposed the scale of what happened here. Around 10,500 women entered mother-and-baby institutions, and approximately 3,000 women entered Magdalene laundries in the North between 1922 and 1990. Some were girls who were only 12 years old — they were children. Many had experienced rape, abuse or exploitation even before arriving at those institutions, yet, too often, they were treated as though they were the ones who should carry shame. Throughout Committee Stage, we listened to testimony that was difficult to hear but impossible to ignore. Survivors reminded us that the legislation could never be about compensation, which has been alluded to by other Members, but had to be about truth. As one witness put it, "Without the truth, we do not have any recovery". Those words stayed with me throughout the Committee's consideration of the Bill, and they remind us that acknowledgement without truth is incomplete and that justice delayed must not become justice denied. We heard the frustration of many survivors who spent years trying to obtain the most basic information about their lives. As one group said to the Committee, survivors were told that their records could re-traumatise them. It is worse not to know such vital information. Imagine being told that someone else knows more about your life, your medical records and your history than you ever will. Imagine spending decades searching for your birth records, your family history and the truth about what happened to you as a child or to your child. That is why the Bill is about so much more than financial redress; it is about restoring identity and, importantly, dignity. During Committee Stage, we worked constructively across party lines, because we recognised that survivors deserved legislation that reflected their experiences. When survivors highlighted ways in which the Bill could be strengthened, we took those seriously. We sought to broaden the scope of the inquiry to ensure that more institutions and victims were recognised, and we acknowledged the importance of posthumous recognition for those who died waiting for justice. Not every amendment could be accepted and not every aspiration could be delivered through the Bill, but I hope that survivors know that their voices shaped it and that every contribution that they made strengthened the Bill and made it into the final version before us today. To those who are following today's debate, I say this: the wounds left by rejection, secrecy and institutional mistreatment run too deep for any statute to fully heal. What we can do, however, is to confront that history honestly. We recognise that those who endured such experiences were failed by systems that should have protected them. We reject the prejudice and judgement that were imposed on them, and we will ensure that their experiences are no longer hidden, dismissed or forgotten. Most importantly, we can offer what should have been given long ago: recognition, dignity and the assurance that their place in our history will be acknowledged with truth and respect. From a personal point of view, the debate carries deep significance. My mother was born into a mother-and-baby home. As is the case with so many families across Ireland, the legacy of those institutions has echoed through our family history. I am delighted that she is in the Public Gallery to see the legislation reach its Final Stage. Today is about recognising generations of women and children whose lives were forever altered by decisions made in places that denied them compassion and dignity. Finally, I remember the victims and survivors who are not here to witness today's debate. Many campaigned for years; many told their stories repeatedly so that others might one day receive recognition; and many never lived to hear the Assembly say, "We believe you". The Bill cannot rewrite the past, but it can ensure that the truth is never hidden again. It can ensure that future generations understand and acknowledge what happened, and, in some small measure, it can replace silence with acknowledgement, secrecy with truth and shame with dignity. For those reasons, I am immensely proud to support the Bill at its Final Stage today.
858 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Assessment
Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not qualifying”.
- Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.03 (qualifying needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not qualifying).
- None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
- No identity-based framing was identified (0.93).
- Subject area: Gender, sexuality, abortion and related social issues.
- The overall probability was at or below the not-qualifying threshold.
This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.
Jev’s structured answers
| Question | Probability | Met? |
|---|---|---|
| Identity framing | 0.05 | No |
| Sectarian or communal antagonism | 0.02 | No |
| Cultural grievance politics | 0.02 | No |
| Dog-whistle messaging | 0.02 | No |
| Controversy escalation | 0.04 | No |
| Legitimate policy scrutiny | 0.51 | No |
| Overall judgement | 0.03 | At or below not-qualifying threshold |
| Option | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-based framing (chosen) | 0.93 |
| Reports or questions it | 0.00 |
| Criticises or condemns it | 0.07 |
| Adopts it | 0.00 |
| Subject | Probability |
|---|---|
| Gender, sexuality, abortion and related social issues | 0.74 |
| Sexism, misogyny, ageism and other equality groups | 0.23 |
| Legacy of the Troubles, victims and paramilitarism | 0.02 |
| Another identity-related subject | 0.01 |
| No identity-related subject | 0.00 |
Assessed 21 October 2026 at 01:21 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9. This record has been assessed 5 times; the latest assessment is shown.
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