Debate contribution: Justice Bill: Consideration Stage
Debate contribution by Mr Gerry Carroll on .
- MLA
- Mr Gerry Carroll
- Party at the time
- People Before Profit Alliance
- Date
- 8 June 2026
- Type
- Debate contribution
- Business
- Executive Committee Business
- Heading
- Justice Bill: Consideration Stage
- Assembly identifier
- Official Report component 5601124
Read the official Assembly record
Text
I thank the Member for his intervention. Wittingly or unwittingly, he is lumping two issues together. I have no problem with article 64B sub-paragraph (1)(b), about a person who "coerces" —. I am not opposed to it being an offence to force people to display sexual images. That is a horrible practice, and I am fine with supporting ending it. The problem is with article 64B(1)(a):
"publishes or displays, or causes or allows to be published or displayed, including digitally, an advertisement whose purpose is to promote, facilitate or offer sexual services provided by another person".
That is incredibly broad and does not protect women who do that. I do not claim to speak for all, or any, women, but women do say that they engage in sex work by their own choice, regardless of whether I or anybody else likes it, morally speaking or otherwise. My problem is the lumping together of those two things.
I will give way briefly, because I have been generous with my time.
I thank the Member for that. However, I repeat: it is too broad and criminalises people even when they are engaged in services through choice. They are adults who know exactly what they are doing. They are intelligent beings. I therefore have a concern about lumping everything into that amendment. I will make some progress, Members will be glad to know. I am concerned about sweeping up and criminalising the tools that sex workers rely on to stay safe, to screen clients, to work indoors and to stay off the streets. We were warned a decade ago that criminalising the trade would drive it underground and endanger the most vulnerable, and that was correct. We will therefore not support amendment No 78, because we do not support the criminalisation of sex work and do not want to put people at risk of further exploitation. I have no problem supporting amendment Nos 88 and 89 on domestic abuse and harm to animals. In fact, I will be glad to support them. It was quite concerning and upsetting to listen to the Members opposite talk about such abuse. The fact that an abuser may use threats and violence against a victim's pet as a deliberate weapon and as a way to trap them in an abusive home, because they will not leave the animal behind to get hurt, is quite upsetting. As someone who has a dog, I concur that pets are absolutely part of the family. Recognising that in our domestic abuse protections, as amendment Nos 88 and 89 do, is a welcome and evidence-based step that will help to keep victims and their family safe. In conclusion, we will support the amendments that protect people by repealing the criminalisation of poverty and ending the relic of blasphemy and those that strengthen the protections for people facing domestic abuse. We will do our best to oppose other amendments that simply widen the net of criminal law and hand more power to the state without any evidence or rationale, but I appreciate that it may just be me who does so.
518 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Assessment
Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not flagged”.
- Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.08 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
- None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
- Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.95).
- No identity-based framing was identified (0.98).
- Subject area: Gender, sexuality, abortion and related social issues.
- The overall probability was at or below the not-flagging threshold.
This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.
Jev’s structured answers
| Question | Probability | Met? |
|---|---|---|
| Identity framing | 0.09 | No |
| Sectarian or communal antagonism | 0.03 | No |
| Cultural grievance politics | 0.02 | No |
| Dog-whistle messaging | 0.06 | No |
| Controversy escalation | 0.06 | No |
| Legitimate policy scrutiny | 0.95 | Yes |
| Overall judgement | 0.08 | At or below not-flagging threshold |
| Option | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-based framing (chosen) | 0.98 |
| Reports or questions it | 0.00 |
| Criticises or condemns it | 0.02 |
| Adopts it | 0.00 |
| Subject | Probability |
|---|---|
| Gender, sexuality, abortion and related social issues | 0.92 |
| Sexism, misogyny, ageism and other equality groups | 0.08 |
| No identity-related subject | 0.00 |
| Flags, emblems, symbols, names and memorials | 0.00 |
| Parades, bonfires and commemorations | 0.00 |
Assessed 21 October 2026 at 15:57 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.
Disagree with this assessment?
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